A Strategic Port Call with Far-Reaching Implications
The Independence-variant littoral combat ship USS Cincinnati (LCS-20) arrived at Cambodia’s Ream Naval Base on January 24, 2026, marking the first time a United States warship has visited the Chinese-constructed facility. This historic port call represents a significant development in regional security dynamics, as analysts warn the Cambodian government should brace for a response from Beijing following the visit.
The arrival of USS Cincinnati at Ream Naval Base carries substantial strategic weight beyond a routine diplomatic engagement. The facility, which China rebuilt over three years with extensive financial backing, has been a focal point of regional security concerns and a symbol of Beijing’s expanding influence in Southeast Asia.
Ream Naval Base: China’s Strategic Investment
China’s involvement in transforming Ream Naval Base represents one of Beijing’s most significant military infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. China rebuilt Ream within three years, tearing down U.S. funded facilities built by a dilapidated pier used as a supply stop. The modernized facility now features capabilities far exceeding Cambodia’s previous naval infrastructure.
By early 2025, the base featured a 650-meter pier capable of docking warships, a 5,000-ton dry dock, and a 1,000-ton slipway with logistical facilities. Satellite imaging conducted by BlackSky in 2023 revealed near-exact similarities between an angled deep-water pier at Ream and a Chinese military pier in Djibouti, suggesting the facility can support all Chinese navy vessels, including the Type 003 Fujian aircraft carrier.
The base infrastructure extends well beyond its 190-acre footprint. Surrounding upgrades include six-lane highways and a refurbished airport, significantly expanding the facility’s strategic utility. According to Craig Singleton, deputy director of the China Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, Cambodia’s willingness to host what many view as China’s second overseas naval port enhances Beijing’s strategic ability to project military power into the Indian Ocean.
A Decade of Deteriorating US-Cambodia Relations
The USS Cincinnati port call comes after a turbulent period in US-Cambodia relations. Since 2012, Cambodia effectively served as China’s designated proxy within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), repeatedly delaying progress on the Code of Conduct designed to manage maritime disputes in the South China Sea.
Relations between Washington and Phnom Penh reached their lowest point after Cambodia invited a US military attaché to inspect Ream but denied full access. In late 2021, Washington imposed an arms embargo on Cambodia. In 2017, Phnom Penh had already ended joint US-Cambodian Angkor Sentinel military exercises, accusing the Obama administration of backing attempts to oust then-Prime Minister Hun Sen.
However, concerns emerged within Cambodia’s leadership about excessive dependence on Beijing. Hun Manet, a West Point graduate who assumed the prime ministership in 2023, brought a different perspective shaped by his Western education. According to Deth Sok Udom, professor of international relations at Paragon International University in Phnom Penh, Hun Manet’s educational background likely served as a factor in strategic considerations regarding how much Cambodia could shift its foreign policy trajectory.
The Cincinnati Visit: Details and Significance
USS Cincinnati, an Independence-class littoral combat ship commissioned in 2019, carried approximately 100 crew members during its five-day visit from January 24-28, 2026. The visit coincided with an official visit by Admiral Samuel Paparo, Commander of US Indo-Pacific Command, who met with Cambodian leaders including Prime Minister Hun Manet.
During a press conference at Ream on January 26, Admiral Paparo announced that the Angkor Sentinel exercises would resume later in 2026 or in 2027, and confirmed that the US arms embargo had been lifted. He characterized the partnership as being “on a strong upward trajectory” and expressed hope for increased cooperation opportunities.
The port call demonstrates Cambodia’s declaration that Ream is open to all nations’ navies, not exclusively reserved for Chinese use. Previous visits by Japanese, Vietnamese, and Russian vessels, along with Australian and Canadian warships docking at nearby Sihanoukville, support this assertion. However, Jennifer Parker, principal of Barrier Strategic Advisory and Australian maritime security expert, noted that China clearly enjoys preferential access through its infrastructure investment and support at the base.
Geopolitical Context and Regional Implications
Several factors contributed to Cambodia’s apparent strategic recalibration. Chinese crime syndicates industrialized human trafficking and scam operations in nearby Sihanoukville and border areas, generating billions in illicit dollars and angering Beijing. China reduced funding in 2024 amid suspicions that Cambodian business leaders harbored the syndicates.
In early 2025, Thailand initiated a Chinese-backed cross-border crackdown that escalated into an undeclared conflict requiring mediation by President Donald Trump. The conflict resolution prompted Cambodia to nominate Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize and join his proposed “Board of Peace,” despite what Chinese officials preferred: working through existing international bodies like the United Nations.
At ASEAN’s recent foreign ministers meeting, the organization announced that the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea would finally proceed, and declared it would not recognize recently staged elections in Myanmar designed to legitimize military junta rule. These developments signal Cambodia’s reduced willingness to consistently block initiatives contrary to Chinese preferences.
Expert Analysis: Strategic Balance or Tactical Maneuver?
Experts remain divided on whether the USS Cincinnati visit represents a fundamental shift in Cambodia’s strategic orientation. Deth Sok Udom cautioned that interpreting the visit as a strategic shift toward the United States at China’s expense would be misleading, noting that China remains a significant trade partner and investor to Cambodia.
Thai political commentator Pravit Rojanaphruk suggested Cambodia may have challenged China’s regional influence too aggressively, raising prospects of diplomatic and military repercussions. He predicted China would likely respond to neutralize US influence in Cambodia and teach the country a lesson, otherwise the United States might pursue similar arrangements with Laos, another nation with special Chinese ties.
Gavin Greenwood, consultant from Hong Kong-based A2 Global Risk, urged caution about reading too much significance into the arrival of Cincinnati, a littoral combat ship with a troubled reputation for structural defects. He characterized the visit as primarily symbolic—showing the flag and sending a signal of US reach and resolve at minimal cost. Greenwood suggested that a visit by a major US Navy warship would provide a more revealing test of the bilateral relationship’s status.
Looking Forward: Uncertain Strategic Trajectory
Cambodia’s position remains precarious as it attempts to balance relations between Washington and Beijing. The country remains heavily dependent on China economically while seeking greater strategic balance through renewed US engagement. The process remains cautious and incomplete, with significant uncertainty about future developments.
Two Chinese corvettes continue rotating through Ream, and China maintains substantial influence over the facility’s operations. Whether Cambodia can successfully navigate between these two great powers without triggering adverse reactions from Beijing remains an open question with significant implications for regional security architecture.
The resumption of Angkor Sentinel exercises and lifting of the arms embargo represent concrete steps toward normalizing US-Cambodia defense relations. However, the fundamental question persists: can Cambodia achieve genuine strategic autonomy, or will it remain caught between competing spheres of influence in an increasingly contested Indo-Pacific region?
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